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DISCOURSE, 

CONCERNING 

UNLIMITED SUBMISSION 

AND 

NON-RKSI3TANCE 

TO THE 
WITH SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE nESISTANCE MADE TO 

King CHARLES I. 

And on the 

ANNIVERSARY OF HIS DEATH: 

a which the Mysterious Doctrine of that Prince's Saintship and Martyrdom 

is unriddled : 

^he ?ub?tance of which, was delivered in a Sermon preached in the West 

Meeting House, fti Boston, on the Lord's Day after the 30th ef 

January, 1749 — 50. 



PUBLISHED AT THK REttU^T OF THE nEARERS, 

BY JONATHAN^tAYHEW, A. M. 

Pastor of the West Church in Boston. 



Fear GOD, honor the King St. Paul. 

He that ruleth over Men raust be just, ruling in the fear of 

GOD. Prophet Samuel. 

I have said, ye are GODS — but ye shall die like Men, and 

fall like one of the Pri7ices. — King David. 

Quid memoreminfandas cades ? Quid facta Tyranni 
Kffera ? Dii Capiti ipsius GENERiauK rescnent. 
JVecnon, Threicius longa cum veste Sackrdos, 
Obloquilor. Rom. Vat. Prin. 



BOSTON t 

Printed and sold by 1). Fowle, in Qjteen Street, 
1750. 



V 

J BOSTON: 
RE-PRINTED BY HALL & GOS3, 
Congress S/reef, second Boom over the Post Office. 
1818. 



•/ 



•As M'+ 

181? 



THE LIBRARY] 
| •» CONGRESS 

I Washington! 



PREFACE. 



THE ensuing discourse is the last of three up- 
on the same subject, with some little alterations and 
additions. It is hoped that hut few will think the 
subject of it, an improper one to be discoursed on 
in the pulpit, under a notion that this is preaching 
politics, instead of CHRIST. However, to remove 
all prejudices of this sort, I beg it maybe remember- 
ed, that "all scripture — is profitable for doctrine, 
for reproof, for CORRECTION, for instruction in 
righteousness,"* "Why, then, should not those 
parts of scripture which relate to civil government, 
be examined and explained from the desk, as well 
as others? Obedience to the civil magistrate is a 
christian duty : and if so, why should not the nature, 
grounds and extent of it be considered in a christian 
assembly ? Besides, if it he said, that it is out of 
character for a christian minister to meddle with 
such a subject, this censure will at last fall upon the 
holy apostles. They write upon it in their epistles 
to christian churches : and surely it. cannot be deem- 
ed either criminal or impertinent, to attempt an ex* 
planation of their doctrine. 

It was the near approach of the thirtieth of Jan- 
uarys that turned my thoughts to this subject : on 
which solemnity, the slavish doctrine of passive obe- 
dience and non-resistance, is often warmly asserted ; 
and the dissenters from the established church, repre- 
sented not only as schismati.es. (with more of triumph 
than of truth, and of choler than Christianity) but al- 
so as persons of seditious, traitorous and rebellious 
principles — GOD be thanked, one may, in any part 
of the British dominions, speak freely (if a decent 
regard be paid to those in authority) both of gov- 
ernment and rcligio\i ; and even give some broad 
hints, that he is engaged on the side of Liberty, the 
BIBLE and Common Sense, in opposition to Tyran- 
ny, PRIEST-CRAFT and Nonsense, without being 
in danger either of the Bastile or the Inquisition : — 
Though there will always be some interested politi- 
•2 p *t. m. i«. 



VI 



eians, contracted bigots, and hypocritical zealots for 
a parly, to take offence at such freedoms. Their 
censure is praise : their praise is infamy — A spirit 
of domination is always to be guarded against, both 
in church and state, even in times of the greatest 
security ; such as the present is amongst US ; at 
least as to the latter. Those nations who are now 
groaning under the iron sceptre of tyranny, were 
once free. So they might probably have remain- 
ed, by a seasonable caution against despotic meas- 
ures. Civil tyranny is usually small in its beginning, 
like "the drop of a bucket,'''* till at length, likea 
mighty torrent, or the raging waves of the sea, it 
bears down ail before it, and deluges whole countries 
and empires. Thus it is as to ecclesiastical tyranny 
also, — the most cruel, intolerable and impious, of 
any. From small beginnings, "it exalts itself above 
all that is called GOD, "and that is worshipped."! 
People have no security against being unmercifully 
priest-ridden, but by keeping all imperious BISH- 
OPS and other CLERGYMEN who love to "lord 
it over God's heritage," from getting ihc'wj'oot into 
the stirrup at all. Let them be once fairly moun- 
ted, and their " beasts, the laity,"}: may prance and 
flounce about to no purpose : and they will at length, 
be so jaded and hacked by these reverend jockics, 
that they will not even have spirits enough to com- 
plain, that their hacks are galled : or, like Balaam's 
ass, to "rebuke the madness of the prophet."§ ^ 

"The mystery of iniquity began to work"*fj even 
in the days of some of the apostles. But the king- 
dom of Anti-christ Mas then in one respect, like the 
kingdom of heaven, however different in all others. 
It was "as a grain of mustard-seed."* This grain 
was* sown in Italy, that fruitful field : and though it 
were "the least of all seeds," it soon became a 
mighty tree. It has, long since, overspread and 
darkened the greatest part of Christendom, so that, 
we may apply to it, what is said of the tree which 
Nebuchadnezzar saw in his vision — "The height 
thereof reacheth unto heaven, and the sight there- 
of, to the end of all the earth— And THE BEASTS 
OF THE FIELD have shadow under it." . Tyran- 

*Isa. x\. 1.5. t2 Thes. ii. 4. 

"Mr. Leslie. «2 Fet. ii. 16. 12 Thes. ii. 7, *Matt. iiii. 31', 



ny brings ignorance and brutality along with it. It 
degrades men from their just rank, into the elass of 
brutes. It damps their spirits. It suppresses arts. 
It extinguishes every spark of noble ardor and gen- 
erosity in the breasts of those who are enslaved by 
it. It makes naturally strong aiuTgreat minds, fee- 
ble and little ; and triumphs over the ruins of virtue 
and humanity. This is true of tyranny in every 
shape. There can be nothing great and good, where 
its influence reaches. For which reason it becomes 
every friend to truth and human kind, every lover 
of God and the christian religion, to bear a part in 
opposing this hateful monster. It was a desire to 
contribute a mite towards carrying on a war against 
this common enemy, that produced the following 
discourse. And if it serve in any measure, to keep 
up a spirit of civil and religious liberty amongst us, 
my end is answered. — There are virtuous and can- 
did men in all sects ; all such are to be esteemed : 
there are also vicious men and bigots in all sects ', 
and all sueh ought to be despised. 

"To virtue only and her friends, a friend; 
The world beside may murmur or commend, 
Know, all the distant din that world can keep, 
fiolls o'er my grotto, and hut sooths my sleep." 

Pope. 

JONATHAN MAYHEW. 



CONCERNING UNLIMITED 

SUBMISSION AND NON-RESISTANCE TO 

THE HIGHER POWERS. 

Rom. xiii. 1, 8. 

1. Let every soul be subject unto the higher -powers. Far 
there is no power but of God; the poivcrs that be, arc or- 
dained of God. 

2. Whosoever therefore resist eth the poiver, resistelh the 
irdinanee of God ; and they that resist, shall receive to 
hemselvcs damnation. 

3. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to tlic 
vil. Wilt thou then not be of raid of the power ? J)o that 
vhich is good, and thoushalt have praise of the same .* 

4. For he is the minister of God to thee for good. But 
f thou do that which is evil, be afraid ; for he bearelh not 
he sword in vain : For he is the minister of God, a rcveng- 
r to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. 

5. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for 
vrath, but also far conscience sake. 

6. For, for this cause pay you tribute also : For they are 
7od's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing, 

7. Bender therefore to all their dues : tribute to whom 
ributc is due; custom, to whom custom ; fear, to whom fear ; 
wnor to whom honor. 



T is evident thai the a/lair of civil government may 



[ 

properly fall under a moral and religious consideration) 
it least so far forth as it relates to the general nature 
md end o( magistracy, and to the grounds and extent 
)f that submission which persons of a private charac- 
ter, ought to yield to those who are vested with au- 
thority. This must be allowed by all who acknowl- 
sdge the^ divine original of christanity. For although 
there be<a sense, and a very plain and important sense. 



in which Christ's kingdom is not of this ivorld ;* his in- 
spired apostles have, nevertheless, laid down some 
general principles concerning the office of civil rulers, 
and the duty of subjects, together with the reason and 
obligation of that duty. And from hence it follows, 
that it is proper for all who acknowledge the authori- 
ty of Jesus Christ, and the inspiration of his apostles, 
to endeavour to understand what is in fact the doctrine 
which they have delivered concerning this matter. 
It is the duty of christian magistrates to inform them*- 
selves what it is which their religion teaches concern- 
ing the nature and design of their office. And it is 
equally the duty of all christian people to inform them- 
selves what it is which their religion teaches concern- 
ing that subjection which they owe to the high powers. 
It is for these reasons that 1 have attempted to exam- 
ine into the scripture account of this matter, in order 
to lay it before you with the same freedom which I 
constantly use with relation to other doctrines and pre- 
cepts of christanity ; not doubting but you will judge 
upon every thing offered to your consideration, with 
the same spirit otfrccdom and liberty with which it is 
spoken. 

The passage read, is the most full and express of 
any in the New Testament, relating to rulers and sub- 
jects : and therefore I thought it proper to ground up- 
on it, what I had to propose to you with reference to 
the authority of the civil magistrate, and the subject- 
ion which is due to him. But before I enter upon an 
explanation of the several parts of this passage, it will 
be proper to observe one thing which may serve as a 
key to the whole of it. 

It is to be observed, then, that there were some per- 
sons amongst the christians of the apostolic age, and par- 
ticularly those at Rome,to whom St. Paid is here writing, 
who seditiously disclaimed all subjection to civil author- 

*John, xviii. 26, 



9 

: .\y ; refusing to ptay taxes, and the duties laid upon 
their traflic and merchandize ; and who scrupled not 
to speak ot their rulers, without any due regard to their 
office and character. Some of these turbulent chris- 
tians were converts fr om Judaism, and others from Pa- 
ganism. The Jews in general had long before this 
time, taken up a strange conceit, that being the pecu- 
liar and elect people of God, they were, therefore, ex- 
empted from the jurisdiction of any heathen princes or 
governors. Upon this ground it was, that some of them, 
during the public ministry of our blessed Saviour, came 
to him with that question — Is it lawful to give tribute 
unto Creser, or not 9* And this notion many of them re- 
tained after they were proselyted to the christian faith. 
As to the Gentile converts, some of them grossly mis- 
took the nature of that liberty which the gospel prom- 
ised; and thought that by virtue of their subjection 
to Christ, the only King and Head cf his church, they 
were wholly freed from subjection to any other prince ; 
as though Christ's kingdom had been of this world, in 
such a sense as to interfere with the civil powers of the 
earth, and to deliver their subjects from that allegiance 
and duty, which they before owed to them. Of these 
Visionary christians in general, who disowned subjec- 
tion to the civil powers in being, where they respec- 
tively lived, there is mention made in several places in 
the New-Testament': the apostle Peter in particular, 
characterizes them in this manner — them that — despise 
government — presumptuous are they, self-willed ; they are 
not afraid to speak evil of dignities.^ Now it is with ref- 
erence to these doating christians, that the apostle 
speaks in the passage before us. And I shall now 
give you the sense of it in a paraphrase upon each 
verse in its order, desiring you to keep in mind the 
character cf the persons for whom it is designed, that 
so, as I go along, you may see how just and natural 

• MaUh.xxii. 17. tg Pet. ii. 10. 



10 

this address is ; and how well suited to the circumstan- 
ces of those against whom it is levelled. 

The apostle begins thus—Lei every soul* be subject 
unto the higher powers ;t for there is no power\ but of 
GOD : the powers that 6c§ are ordained of GOD\\ yer. 
I. q. d. " Whereas some professed Christians vainly 
imagine, that they are wholly excused from all manner 
of duty and subjection to civil authority, refusing to hon- 
or their rulers, and to pay taxes ; which opinion is not 
only unreasonable in itself, but also tends to fix a last- 
ing reproach upon the christian name and profession. 
I now, as an apostle and ambassador of Christ, exhort 
every one of you, be he who he will, to pay all dutiful 
submission to those who are vested with any civil of- 
fice. For there is, properly speaking, no authority 
but what is derived from God, as it is only by his per- 
mission and providence that any possess it. Yea, I 
may add, that all civil magistrates, as such, although 
they may be heathens, are appointed and ordained of 
God. For it is certainly God's will, that so useful an 
institution as that of magistracy, should take place in 
the world, for the good of civil society." The apos- 
tle proceeds — Whosoever, therefore, resisteth the power, 

*Every son]. This is an Hebraism, which signifies tvery mem ; so that the 
apostle does not exempt the c lergy .• such as were endowed with the gift of 
prophecy, or any other miraculous powers which subsisted in the church at 
that day. And by his using the Hebrew idiom, it seems that he had the Jewish 
converts principally in his eye. 

t77te Higher Powers: more literally, the over-ruling powers: which 
term extends to all civil rulers in common. 

;};By poiver, the apostle intends not lawless strength and brutal force, 
without regulation or proper direction ; but just OMlhorily ; for so the word 
here used properly signifies. There may be power where there is no authori- 
ty. No man has any auiiiorily to do what is wrong and injurious, though he 
may have power to do it. 

i The powers that be : Those persons who are in fact vested with authority j 
those who are in possession. And who those are, the apostle leaves chris- 
tians to determine for themselves ; but whoever they are, they are to be obeyed. 

|| Ordained of God : As it is not without God's providence and permission, 
that any are clothed with authority ; and as it is agreeable to the positive will 
and purpose of God, that there should be some persons vested with authority 
for the good of society : not that any rulere have their commission immedi- 
ately from God, the supreme Lord of the Universe. If any assert, that kings, 
or any other rulers, are ordained of God in the latter sense, it is incumbent 
upon them to show the commission which they speak of, under the broad seal 
of heaven. And when they do this, they will no doubt, be believed. 



11 

resigteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall 
receive to themselves damnation, ver. 2. q. d. "Think 
not, therefore, that ye arc guiltless of any crime or sin 
against God, when ye factiously disobey and resist 
the civil authority. For magistracy and government 
being, as I have said, the ordinance and appointment 
of God, it follows, that to resist magistrates in the ex- 
ecution of their offices, is really to resist the will and 
ordinance of God himself : And they who thus resist, 
will accordingly be punished by God for this sin in 
common with others." The apostle goes on— For 
rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil.* 
Wilt thou then, not be afraid of the power ? Do that 
which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same : 
For he is the minister of God to thee for good, ver. 3d, 
and part of the 4th. q. d. "That you"may see the 
truth and justness of what I assert, (viz. that magis- 
tracy is the ordinance of God, and that you sin against 
him in opposing it,) consider that even pagan rulers, 
are not, by the nature and design of their office, ene- 
mies and a terror to the good and virtuous actions of 
men, but only to the injurious and mischievous to so 
ciety. Will ye not, then, reverence and honor magis- 
tracy, when ye see the good end and intention of It ? 
How can ye be so unreasonable ? Only mind to do your 
duty as members of society; and this will gain you 
the applause and favor of all good rulers. For while 
you do thus, they are, by their office, as ministers of 
God, obliged to encourage and protect you ; it is for 
this very purpose that they are clothed with power." 
The apostle subjoins — But if thou do that which is 
evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain. 
For he is the minister of God, a revenger, to execute wrath 

*For rulers are not a terror to good ivorks, but to the evil It cannot be sup- 
posed that the apostle designs here, or in any of the succeeding verses, to give 
the true character of JVYr», © r any other civil powers then in being, as if they 
were in fact such persons as he describes, a terror to evil works only, and 
not to the good. For such a character did not belong to them ; and the 
apostie was no sycophant, or parasite of power, whatever some of his pretend- 
ed tuccessors have been. He only tells what rulers would be, provided they 
acted ?m to their character and office. 



1# 

upon him that docih evil* ver. 4. latter part, q. cT» 
"But upon the other hand, if ye refuse to do your duty 
as members of society ; if ye refuse to bear your part 
m the support of government ; if ye are disorderly, and 
do things which merit civil chastisement, then, indeed, 
ye have reason to be afraid. For it is not in vain that 
rulers are vested with the power of inflicting punish- 
ment. They are, by their office,, not only the minis- 
ters of God for good to those that do well, but also 
his ministers to revenge, to discountenance and punish 
those that are unruly, and injurious to their neighbors." 
The apostle proceeds— Wherefore ye must needs be sub- 
ject not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake, ver. 
5. q. d. "Since therefore, magistracy is the ordinance 
of God ; and since rulers are, by their office, benefac- 
tors to society, by discouraging what is bad, and en- 
couraging what is good, and so preserving peace and 
orderamongst men ; it is evident that ye ought to pay 
a willing subjection to them; not to obey merely for 
fear of exposing yourselves to their wrath and dis- 
pleasure, but also in point of reason, duty and con- 
science. Ye are under an indispensable obligation, as 
christians, to honor their office, and to submit to them 
in the execution of it." The apostle goes on — for, 
for this cause pay you tribute also : For they are God's 
'ministers, attending continually upon this very thing, ver. 

•It is manifest that when the apostle speaks of it, as the office of civil rulers, 
to encourage what is good, and to punish what is evil, he speaks only of civil 
rrood and evil. They are to consult the good of society as such ; not to dic- 
tate in religious concerns ; not to make laws for the government of men's 
consciences ; and to inflict civil penalties for religious crimes. It is sufficient 
to overthrow the doctrine of the authority of the civil magistrate,, in affairs of 
a spiritual nature, (so far as it is buiJt upon any thing which is here said by 
57, Paul or upon any thing else in the New-Testament) 011)3' to observe, that 
;>11 the magistrates4hen in the world, were heathen, implacable enemies to christi- 
anitv : so that to give them authority in i^ligious matters, would have been, 
iu eifect, to give them authority to extirpate the christian religion, and to es- 
tablish the idolatries and superstitions of paganism. And can any one reasona- 
bly suppose, that the apostle had any intention to extend the_auihority of rulers, 
beyond concerns merely civil and political, to the overthrowing of that reli- 
•■iuu which he himself was so zealous in propagating' 1 But it is natural for 
'those whose religion cannot be supported upon the fooling cf reason an<f 
irsniracpt, *° '' avr recourse to power and force, which will serve a bad Cause 
as well as a gaod oat- ; and indeed much better. 



(i q. d. "And here is a plain reason also why ye should 
pa\ tribute to them; for rhey are God's ministers, ex- 
alted above the common level of mankind, not that 
thev- maj indulge themselves in softness and luxury, 
and be entitled to the servile homage of their fellow- 
men; but that they may execute an office no less labori- 
ous than honorable ; and attend continually upon the 
public welfare. This being their business and duty, 
it is but reasonable, that they should be requiied for 
their care and diligence in performing it ; and enabled, 
by taxes levied upon the subject, effectually to prose- 
cute the great end of their institution, the good of so- 
ciety." The apostle sums all up in the following words. 
Header therefore to all their dues ; tribute* to u'hom 
tribute is due; custom* to idiom custom ; fear, to whom 
fear ; honor, to whom honor, vcr. 7. q. d. '-Let it not, 
therefore, be said of any of you hereafter, that you con- 
temn government, to the reproach of yourselves, and 
of the christian religion. Neither your being Jews by 
nation, nor your becoming the subjects of Christ's king- 
dom, gives you any dispensation for making disturban- 
ces in the government under which vou live. Ann-rove 
yourselves, therefore, as peaceable and dutiful subjects. 
Be ready to pay to your rulers all that they may, ia 
respect of their office, justly demand of you. Ren- 
der tribute and custom to those of your governors to 
whom tribute and custom belong : And cheerfully hon- 
or and reverence all who are vested with civil authori- 
ty, according to their deserts." 

The apostle's doctrine, in the passage thus explain- 
ed, concerning the office of civil rulers, and the duty 
of subjects, may be summed up in the following obser- 
vations ;f viz. 

**Gretius observes, that the greek words here nsed, answer to the tribulum 
and vecligal of the Rumaiis ; the former was the money paid for the soil and 
poll ; the latter, the duties laid upon some sorts of merchandize. And what 
the apostle here says, deserves to be seriously considered by all christians con- 
oerned in that common practice of carrying on an illicit hade and running of 
goods. 

tThe several observations here only mentioned ."were handled at large in 
two preceding discourses unon the subject 



14 

That the end of magistracy is the good of civil so- 
ciety, as such : 

That civil rulers, as such, are the ordinance and 
ministers of God ; it being by his permission and prov- 
idence that any bear rule ; and agreeable to his will, 
that there should be some persons vested with authori- 
ty in society, for the well-being of it : 

That which is here said concerning civil rulers, ex- 
tends to all of them in common: It relates indifferent- 
ly to monarchical, republican and aristocratical gov- 
ernment ; and to all other forms which truly answer 
the sole end of government, the happiness of society ; 
and to all the different degrees of authority in any 
particular state ; to inferior officers no less than to the 
supreme : 

That disobedience to civil rulers in the due exer- 
cise of their authority, is not merely political sin, but 

heinous offence against God and religion : 

That the true ground and reason* of our obligation 
to be subject to the higher powers, is the usefulness of 
magistracy (when properly exercised) to human socie- 
ty, and its subserviency to the general welfare : 

*Some suppose the apostle in this passage enforces the dutj of submission, 
viitii two arguments quite distinct from each other : one taken from this con- 
sideration, that rulers are the ordinance, and the ministers of God, (ver. J. 
l 2. and 4.) and the other, from the benefits that accrue to society from civil 
croTemment, (ver 3, 4 and C.) Arid indeed these may be distinct motives and 
arguments for submission, as they may be separately viewed and contemplat- 
ed. But when we consider that rulers are not the ordinance and the ministers 
•f God, but only so far forth as they perform God's will, by acting up to their 
oflice and character, and so by being benefactors to society, this makes 
these arguments coincide, and run up into ohe at last : at least so far, that the 
former of them cannot hold good for submission, where the latter fails. Put the 
supposition, that any men bearing the title of a magistrate, should exercis 
his power in such a manner as to have no claim to obedience by virtue of tha* 
argument which is founded upon the usefulness of magistracy : and yon equally 
take off the force or the other argument also, which is founded upon his being 
the ordinance and the minister ot God. For he is no longer God's ordinance 
and minister, than he acts up to his oflice and character, by exercising his 
power for the good of society — This is, in brief, the reason why it is said above, 
ia the singular number, the true ground and reason, &c. The use and 
propriety of this remark may be more apparent in the progress of the argument 
concerning resistance. 



15 

That obedience to civil rulers h here equally requir- 
ed under all forms of government, which answer the 
sole end of all government, the good of society ; and to 
every degree of authority in any state, whether su- 
preme or subordinate : 

(From whence it follows, 

That if unlimited obedience and non-resistance, be 
here required as a duty under any one form of gov- 
ernment, it is also required as a duty under all other 
forms ; and as a duty to subordinate rulers as well as 
to the supreme.) 

Ani> lastly, that those civil rulers to whom the apos* 
tie enjoins subjection, are the persons in possession ; the 
powers that be ; those who are actually vested with 
authority.* 

There is one very important and interesting point, 
which remains to be inquired into; namely, the extent 
of that subjection to the higher powers, which is here 
enjoined as a duty upon all christians. Some have 
thought it warrantable and glorious, to disobey the civ- 
il powers in certain circumstances ; and, in cases of 
very great and general oppression, when humble re- 
monstrances fail of having any effect ; and when the 
public welfare cannot be otherwise provided for and se- 
cured, to rice unanimously even against the sovereign 
iiimself, in order to redress their grievances ; to vindi- 
cate their natural and legal rights ; to break the yoke 

*This musi be understood with this proviso, that they do not grossly abuse 
their power and trust, but exorcise it for the good of those that are governed. 
Who these persons were, whether Aero, fcc. or not, the apostle does net say ; 
but leaves it to be determined by those to whom he writes. God docs not 
interpose in a miraculous way, tc point out the persons who shall bear rule, 
and to whom subjection is due. And as to the unalienable, indefeasible right 
of primogeniture, (he scriptures art entirely silent, or rather plainly, contradict 
ll: Saul being the Sist king among the Israelites ; and appointed to the royal 
dignity, during his own father's lifc-time : and he was succeeded, or rather 
superseded by David, the last born among many brethren — Now if God lias not 
invariably determined this matte;, it must, of course, be determined by men. 
And if it be determined by mm, it must be determined either in the way of 
force, or of compact, And which of these is the most equitable, can be no 
question. 



16 

of tyranny, and tree themselves and posterity from itfc 
glorious servitude and rum. It is upon this principle 
that many royal oppressors have been driven from their 
thrones into banishment; and many slain by the hands 
of their subjects. It was upon this principle that Tar- 
quin was expelled from Rome; and Julius Ccesar, the 
conqueror of the world, arid the tyrant of his country, 
out off in the senate house. It was upon this princi- 
ple, that king Charles I, was beheaded before his own 
banqueting house. It was upon this principle, that 
king James II. was made to fly that country which he 
aimed at enslaving J And upon this principle was that 
revolution brought about, which has been so fruitful of 
happy consequences to Great-Britain. But, in oppo- 
sition to this principle, it has often been asserted, that 
the scripture m general (and the passage under consid- 
eration in particular) makes all resistance to princes a 
crime, in any case whatever.— If they turn tyrants, 
and become the common oppressors of those, whose 
welfare they ought to regard with a paternal affection, 
we must not pretend to light ourselves, unless it be by 
prayers and tears and humble intreaties : And if these 
methods fail of procuring redress, we must not have 
recourse to any other, but all culTer ourselves to be 
robbed and butchered at the pleasure of the Lord's 
anointed ; lest we should incur the sin of rebellion, 
and the punishment of damnation. For he has God's 
authority and commission to bear him out in the worst 
of crimes, so far that he may not be withstood or con- 
trolled. Now whether we are obliged to yield such, 
an absolute submission to our prince : or whether dis- 
obedience and resistance may not be justifiable in some 
cases, notwithstanding any thing in the passage before 
us, is an inquiry in which we are all concerned ; and 
this is the inquiry which is the main design of the 
present discourse. 

Now there does not seem to be any necessity of 
supposing} that an absolute, unlimited obedience. 



17 

t\ bother active or passive, is here enjoined, merely for 
this reason, that the precept is delivered in absolute 
terms; Avithout any exception or intimation expressly 
mentioned. We are enjoined; (ver. 1.) to he subject 
to the higher powers : and (ver. 5.) to be subject for 
conscience sake. And because these expressions are 
absolute and unlimited, (or more properly, general) 
some have inferred, that the subjection required in 
them, must be absolute and unlimited also: At least 
so far forth as to make passive obedience and non-re- 
sistance, a duty in all. cases whatever, if not active 
obedience likewise. Though, by the way, there iy 
here no distinction made betwixt active and passive 
obedience; and if either of them be required in an 
unlimited sense, the other must be required in the* 
same sense also, by virtue of the present argument; 
because the expressions are equally absolute with re- 
spect to both. But that unlimited obedience of any 
Jsort, cannot be argued merely from the indefinite ex- 
pressions in which obedience is enjoined, appears from 
,hence, that expressions of the same nature, frequent- 
ly occur in scripture, upon which it is confessed on all 
(hands, that no such absolute and unlimited sense ought. 
to be put. For example, Love not the world ; neither 
the things that are in the world; *Lay not up for 
yourselves treasures upon earth; \Take therefore no 
thought for the morrow ;% are precepts expressed in 
at least equally absolute and unlimited terms : but it 
is generally allowed that they are to be understood 
with certain restrictions and limitations ; some degree 
of love to the world, and the things of it, being allow- 
able. Nor, indeed, do the Right Reverend Fathers in 
God, and other dignified clergymen of the established 
•church, seem to be altogether averse to admitting of 
[restrictions in the latter case, how warm soever any 
of them may be against restrictions, and limitations., 
to the case of submission to authority,whether civil or 
jecclesiastical. It is worth remarking also, that patience 

* 1 John ii. Id. tMaft. vi. IS. % Matt, v\ 34. 
! 3 



18 

and submission under private injuries, are enjoined im 
much more peremptory and absolute terras, than any 
that are used with regard to submission to the injus- 
tice and oppression of civil rulers. Thus, I say unto 
you, that ye resist not evil ; but whosoever shall smite 
thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also. And 
if any man will sue thee at t/ie law, and take away thy 
coat, let him have thy cloak also. And whosoever shall 
compel thee to go a mile with him, go with him twain* 
Any man may be detied to produce such strong ex- 
pressions in favor of a passive and tame submission to 
unjust, tyrannical rulers, as are here used to enforce 
submission to private injuries. But how few are there 
that understand those expressions literally ? And the 
reason why they do not, is because (with submission 
to the auakers) common sense shows that they were 
not intended to be so understood. 

But to instance, in some scripture precepts which 
are more directly to the point in hand. — Children are 
commanded to obey their parents, and servants their 
masters, in as absolute and unlimited terms as subjects 
are here commanded to obey their civil rulers. Thus 
this same apostle — Children obey your parents in the 
Lord ;for this is right. Honor thy father and mother* 
which is the first commandment with promise. — Servants 
be obedient to them that are your masters, according to the 
flesh, with fear and trembling, with singleness of your 
heart as unto Christ.]' Thus also wives are command- 
ed to be obedient to their husbands — Wives, submit 
yourselves unto your own husbands, as unto the Lord. 
For the husband is the head of the wife, even as 
CHRIST IS THE HEAD OF THE CHURCH.— 
Therefore, as the church is subject unto Christ, so let the 
wives be to their own husbands IN EVERY THING. J 
In all these cases, submission is required in terms (at 
least) as absolute and universal, as are ever used with 
respect to rulers and subjects. But who supposes that 
the apostle ever intended to teach, that children, ser- 

*Mat; v. 39, 40, 41. fEph. yi. I, Sec. +Fph. v, 22, 23, 24. 



vants and wives, should, in all cases whatever, obey 
their parents, masters and husbands respectively, never 
making any opposition to their will, even although they 
should require them to break the commandments of 
God, or should causelessly make an attempt upon their 
lives ? No one puts such a sense upon these expres- 
sions, however absolute and unlimited. Why then 
should it be supposed, that the apostle designed to 
teach universal obedience, whether active or passive, 
to the higher powers, merely because his precepts are 
delivered in absolute and unlimited terms ? And if this 
be a good argument in one case, why is it not in others 
also? If it be said, that resistance and disobedience 
to the higher powers, is here said positively to be a sin, 
so also is the disobedience of children to parents ; ser- 
vants, to masters ; and wives, to husbands, in other 
places of scripture. But the question still remains, 
whether in all these cases, there be not some excep- 
tions ? In the three latter, it is allowed there are. 
And from hence it follows, that barely the use of ab- 
solute expressions, is no proof, that obedience to civil 
rulers, is, in all cases, a duty ; or resistance, in all 
cases, a sin. I should not have thought it worth while 
to take any notice at all of this argument, had it not 
been much insisted upon by some of the advocates for 
passive obedience and non-resistance : For it is, in it- 
self, perfectly trifling; and rendered considerable, only 
by the stress that has been laid upon it for want 
of better. 

There is, indeed, one passage in the New-Testament, 
where it may seem, at first view, that an unlimited sub- 
mission to civil rulers, is enjoined. — Submit yourselves 
to every ordinance of man for the Lord's salcc.% — To 
every ordinance oj man. — However, this expression is 
no stronger than that before taken notice of, with rela- 
tion to the duty of wives — So let the wives be subject 
to their own husbands— IN EVERY THING. Bin 

*1 Pet ; 2. 13. 



2Q 

the true solution of this difficulty (if it be one) is this • 
bj every ordinance of man,* is not meant every command 
of the. civil magistrate without exception; but every 
order of magistrate^ appointed by man ; — whether supe- 
rior or inferior : For so the apostle explains himself 
in the very next words — Whether it be to the Icing as 
supreme, or to governors, as unto them that are sent, &c 
But although the apostle has not subjoined any such ex- 
planation, the reason of the thing itself would have 
obliged us to limit the expression [every ordinance of 
3?itw]to such human ordinances and commands,as are not 
inconsistent with the ordinances and commands of God; 
the supreme lawgiver ; or with any other higher, and 
antecedent obligations. 

It is to be observed, in the next place, that as the 
duty of universal obedience and non-resistance to the 
higher powers, cannot be argued from the absolute un- 
limited expressions which the apostle here uses; so 
neither can it be argued from the scope and drift of 
his reasoning, considered with relation to the persons 
he was here opposing. As was observed above, 
there were some professed christians in the apostolic 
age, who disclaimed all magistracy and civil authority in 
general, dispising government and speaking evil of dig- 
nities ; some under a nonon that Jezvs ought not to be 
under the jurisdiction oi Gentile rulers ; and others, that 
they were set free from the temporal powers, by 
• iirist. JNow it is with perona of this licentious opin- 
ion and character, that the apostle is concerned. And 
all that was directly to his point, was to show that 
they were bound to submit to magistracy in general. 
This is a circumstance very material to be taken notice 
of, in order to ascertain the sense of the apostle. For 
this being considered, it is sufficient to account for all 
that he says concerning the the duty of subjection, and 
the sin of resistance, to the higher powers, without 

f; Literally., every human institution, or appointment. By which manner of 
expression the apostle plainly intimates, that rulers derive their authority 
immediately, uot from God, but fro:a mzn- 



21 

having recourse to the doctrine of unlimited submis- 
sion and passive obedience, in all cases whatever. 
Were it known that those in opposition to whom the 
apostle wrote, allowed of civil authority in genera!, and 
only asserted that there were some cases in which obe- 
dience and non-resistance, were not a duty, there 
would, then, indeed, be reason for interpreting this pas- 
sage as containing the doctrine of unlimited obedience, 
and non-resistance, as it must, in this case, be supposed 
to have been levelled against such as denied that doc- 
trine. But since it is certain that there were persons 
who vainly imagined, that civil government, in general, 
was not to be regarded by them, it is most reasonable 
to suppose, that the apostle designed his discourse 
only against them. And agreeably to this supposition, 
we find that he argues the usefulness of civil magis- 
tracy in general ; its agreeableness to the will and 
purpose of God, who is over all; and so deduces from 
hence, the obligation of submission to it. But it will 
not follow, that because civil government is, in gener- 
al, a good institution, and necessary to the peace and 
happiness of human society, therefore there are no 
supposeablc cases in which resistance to it can be in- 
nocent. So that the duty of unlimited obedience, 
whether active or passive, can be argued, neither from 
the manner of expression here used, nor from the gen- 
eral scope and design of the passage. 

And if Ave attend to the nature of the argument with 
which the apostle here enforces the duty of submission 
ro the higher powers, we shall find it to be such an one. 
as concludes not in favour of submision to all who bear 
the title of rulers, in common ; but only, to those who 
actually perform the duty of rulers, by exercising a rea- 
sonable and just authority.for the good of human society. 
This is a point which it will be proper to enlarge upon ; 
because the question before us turns very much upon 
the truth or falsehood of this position. It is obvious, 
then, in general, that the civil rulers whom the apostle 



2-Z 

here speaks of, and obedience to whom he presses 
upon christians as a duty, are good rulers,* such as are 
in the exercise of their office and power, benefactors 
to society. Such they are described to be,throughout 
this passage. Thus it is said, that they are not a terror 
to good works, but to the evil ; that they are God's min- 
isters for good ; revengers to extute wrath upon him 
that doeth evil ; and that they attend continually upon 
this very thing. St. Peter gives the same account of 
rulers : They are for a praise to them that do well, and 
pie punishment of evil doers. \ It is manifest that this 
character and description of rulers, agrees only to 
sucli as are rulers in fact, as well as in name: to such 
as govern well, and act agreeably to their office. And 
ihe apostle's argument for submission to rulers, is 
wholly built and grounded upon a presumption that 
they do in fact answer this character ; and is of no 
force at all upon the supposition of the contrary. 
If rulers are a terror to good works, and not to the evil ; 
if they are not ministers for good to society \ but for evil 
and distress, by violence and oppression; if they execute 
wrath upon sober, peaceable persons, who do their 
duty as members of society; and suffer rich and hon- 
orable knaves to escape with impunity; if instead o£ at- 
tending continually upon the good work of advancing 
the public welfare, they attend only upon the gratifica- 
tion of their own lust and pride, and ambition, to the 
destruction of the public welfare ; if this be the case, 
it is plain that the apostle's argument for submission 
docs not reach them ; they are not the same, but dif- 
ferent persons from those whem he characterizes ; 
and who must be obeyed according to his reasoning. — 
Let me illustrate the apostle's argument, by the fol- 
lowing similitude : (it is no matter how far it is from 
any thing which has, in fact, happened in the world.) 
Suppose, then, it was allowed, in general, that the 

* By good rulers, are not intended such as are good in a moral or religious, 
but only in a political, sense ; those who perform their duty so far as their office 
extends ; and so far as civil society, as such, is concerned in their actions. 

tSec th<? marginal note, page 11. See afeo tha marginal note, p. 12; 



23 

clergy were an useful order of men ; that they ought 
to be esteemed very highly in love for their -works' sake ;* 
and to be decently supported by those whom they serve, 
the laborer being worthy of his reward.t Suppose 
farther, that a number of Reverend and Bight Reverend 
Drones, who worked not ; who preached, perhaps, but 
ence a year, and then, not the gospel of Jesus Christ ; 
but the divine right of tythes ; — the dignity of their 
office as ambassadors of Christ, the equity otfine cures, 
and a plurality of benefices ; — the excellency of the 
devotions in that prayer book, which some of them hired 
chaplains to use for them ; — or some favourite point 
of church tyranny, and antichrisfian usurpation ; sup- 
pose such men as these, spending their lives in effemi- 
nacy, luxury and idleness ; (or when they were not 
idle, doing that which is worse than idleness ; suppose 
such men) should, merely by the merit of ordination 
and consecration, and a peculiar, odd habit, claim great 
respect and reverence from those whom they civilly 
called the beasts of the laiety ;£ and demand thousands 
per annum, for that good service which they — -never 
performed ; and for which, if they had performed it, 
this would be much more than a quantum meruit ? 
suppose this should be the case, (it is only by way of 
simile, and surely it will give no offence) would not ev- 
ery body be astonished at such insolence, injustice and 
impiety ? And ought not such men to be told plainly, 
; that they could not reasonably expect the esteem and 
I reward, due to the ministers of the gospel, unless they 
did the duties of their office ? Should they not be toldy 
i that their title and habit claimed no regard, reverence 
I or pay, separate from the care and work and various 
duties of ihc'w function ? And that while they neglect- 
I ed the latter, the former served only to render them 
' the more ridiculous and contemptible ? — The appli- 
i cation of this similitude to the case in hand, is very 
, easy. — If those who bear the title of civil rulers, do 
; not perform the duty of civil rulers, but act directly 

* 1 THes. v. 53. f iTim. v. IS. tMft L^ie... 



24 

counter to the sole end and design of their office; if 
they injure and oppress their subjects, instead of de- 
fending their rights and doing them good ; they have 
not the least pretence to be honored, obeyed and re- 
warded, according to the apostle's argument. For his 
reasoning, in order to shew the duty of subjection to 
the higher powers, is, as was before observed, built 
wholly upon the supposition; that they do, in fact, per- 
form the duty of rulers. 

If it be said, that the apostle here uses another ar- 
gument for submission to the higher powers, besides 
that which is taken from the usefulness of their office 
to civil society, when properly discharged and execut- 
ed ; namely, that their porver is from God; that the\ 
are ordained of God; and that they are God's minis- 
ters : And if it be said, that this argument for submis- 
sion to them will hold good, although they do not ex 
excise their power for the benefit, but for the ruin, and 
destruction of human society ; this objection was ob- 
viated, in part, before.* Rulers have no authority 
from God to do mischief. They are not God's ordi- 
nance, or God's ministers, in any other sense than as it 
is by his permission and providence, that they are ex- 
alted to bear rule; and as magistracy duly exercised, 
and authority rightly applied, in the enacting and ex- 
ecuting good laws, — laws attempered and accommoda- 
ted to the common welfare of the subjects, must be 
supposed to be agreeable to the will of the beneficent 
author and supreme Lord of the universe ; whose king- 
dom ruleth over all ;t and whose tender mercies are 
over all his works.% It is blasphemy to call tyrants 
and oppressors, God's ministers. They are more prop- 
erly the messengers of 'Satan to buffet us.\ No rulers 
are properly God's ministcrs,hut such as are just.ruling 
in the fear ofGod-\\ When once magistrates act con- 
trary to their office, and the end of their institution: 

*See the margin, page 14, note *. iPeal. ciii. 1!). 

fPsal. criv. 19. i2 Cor. xii, 7. II 2 Sam. xxiii. 3". 



2g 

when they rob and ruin the public, instead of being; 
guardians of its peace and welfare ; they immediately 
cease to be the ordinance and ministers of God ; and 
no more deserve that glorious character, than common 
pirates and highwaymen. So that whenever that ar- 
gument for submission fails, which is grounded upon, 
the usefulness of magistracy to civil society, (as it al- 
ways docs when magistrates do hurt to society instead 
of good) the other argument, which is taken from their 
being the ordinance of God, must necessarily fail also; 
no person of a civil character being God's minister, m 
the sense of the apostle, any farther than he performs 
God's will, by exercising a just and reasonable authori- 
ty; and ruling for the good of the subject. 

This in general. Let us now trace the apostle's rea- 
soning in favor of submission to the higher powers, a 
little more particularly and exactly. For by this it will 
appear, on one hand, how good and conclusive it is, for 
submission to those rulers who exercise their power 
in a proper manner: And, on the other, how weak 
and trifling and iuconnected it is, if it be supposed to 
be meant by the apostle to show the obligation and 
duty of obedience to tyrannical, oppressive rulers, in 
common with others of a different character. 

The apostle enters upon his subject thus — Let every 
soul be subject unto the higher powers ; for there is no 
power but of God : the powers that be, ate ordained of 
God* Here he urges the duty of obedience from, 
this topic of argument, that civil rulers, as they are 
supposed to fulfil the pleasure of God, are the ordi- 
nance of God. But how is this an argument for obe- 
dience to such rulers as do not perform the pleasure 
of God, by doing good; but the pleasure of the devil, 
by doing evil ; and such as are not, therefore, God's 
ministers, but the devil's ! Whosoever, therefore, re- 
sisteth the poxver, resist cth the ordinance of Ged; end 

*Ver. 1. 



26 

they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation.'* 
Here the apostle argues, that those who resist a rea- 
sonable and just authority, which is agreeable to the 
will of God, do really resist the will of God himself; 
and will, therefore, be punished by him. But how 
does this prove, that those who resist a lawless, un- 
reasonable power, which is contrary to the will of 
God, do therein resist the will and ordinance of God? 
Is resisting- those who resist God's will, the same thing 
with resisting- God? Or shall those who do so, receive 
to themselves damnation ! For rulers are not a terror 
to good works, but to the evil. IVilt thou then not be a- 
fr aid of the power? Do that which is good; and thou 
shalt have praise of the same. For he is the minister 
of God to thee for good:\ Here the apostle argue* 
more explicitly than he had before done, for revereing, 
and submitting to magistracy, from this consideration, 
that such as really perform the duty of magistrates* 
would be enemies only to the evil actions of men, and 
would befriend and encourage the good ; and so be a 
common blessing to society. But how is this an argu- 
ment,that we must honor,and submit to such magistrates 
as arc not enemies to the evil actions of men, but to the 
good ; and such as arc not a common blessing, but a 
common curse, to society ! But if thou do that which is 
evil, be afraid : For lie is the minister of God, a reveng- 
er, to execute wrath upon him that doth evil.% Here 
the apostle argues from the nature and end of magis- 
tracy, that such as did evil, (and such only) had rc;i 
to be afraid of the higher powers ; it being part of 
their office to punish evil doers, no less than to defend 
and encourage such as do well. But if magistrates 
are unrighteous ; i/ they are respecters of persons ; 
if they are partial in their administration of justice ; 
then those who do well, have as much reason to be 
afraid, as those that do evil: there can be no safety 
for the good, nor any peculiar ground of terror to the 
unruly and injurious. So that in this case, the main 

• Per, ?. tV>r. 3d. and part of the 4th. JVer. 4th. latter part. 



21 

end of civil government will be frustrated And what 
reason is there for submitting to that government, 
which does by no means answer I lie design of govern- 
ment ? Wherefore ye must needs be subject not only for 
wrath, but also for conscience sake* Here the apostle 
argues the duty of a cheerful and conscientious sub- 
mission to civil government, from the nature and end 
of magistracy as he had before laid it down, 1. e. as 
the design of it was to punish evil doers, and to sup- 
port and encourage such as do well ; and as it must, if 
so exercised, be agreeable to the will of God. But 
how does what he here says, prove the duty of a cheer- 
ful and conscientious subjection to those who forfeit 
the character of rulers? to those who encourage the 
had, and discourage the good ? The argument hero 
used no mote proves it to be a sin to resist such rulers, 
than it does, to resist the devil, that lie may fee from 
us.-\ For one is as truly the minister of God as the 
other. For, for this cause pay you tribute also ; for 
they are God's ministers, attending' continually upon this 
very tlung.% Here the apostle argues the duty of 
paying taxes, from this consideration, that those who 
perform the duty of rulers, are continually attending 
upon the public welfare. But how does this argument 
conclude for paying taxes to such princes as are con- 
tinually endeavoring to ruin the public? And especial- 
ly when such payment would facilitate and promote 
this wicked design ! Render therefore to all their dues ; 
tribute, to whom tribute is due ; custom, to whom cus- 
tom ; fear, to whom fear ; honor, to whom honor. \\ Here 
the apostle sums up what he had been saying concern- 
ing the duty of subjects to rulers. And his argument 
stands thus — "Since magistrates who execute their of- 
fice well, are common benefactors to society, and may, 
in that respect, be properly styled the ministers and 
ordinance of God ; and since they are constantly em- 
ployed in the service of the public, it becomes you 
to pay them tribute and custom ; and to reverence, 

*Y>r. 5. tJame»iv. 7. ^Ver. G. Wei 1. 



28 

honor, and submit to them in the execution of their 
respective offices." This is apparently good reason- 
ing. But does this argument conclude for the duty of 
paying tribute, custom, reverence, honor and obedience 
to such persons as (although they bear the title of ru- 
lers) use all their power to hurt and injure the public ? 
such as are not God's ministers, but Satan's ? such as 
do not take care of, and attend upon the public inter- 
est, but their own, to the ruin of the public ? that is, 
in short, to such as have no natural and just claim at all 
to tribute, custom, reverence, honor and obedience ? 
It is to be hoped that those who have any regard to 
the apostle's character as an inspired writer, or even 
as a man of common understanding, will not present 
him as reasoning in such a loose incoherent manner ; 
and drawing conclusions which have not the least rela- 
tion to his premises. For what can be more absurd than 
an argument thus framed ? "Rulers are, by their office, 
bound to consult the public welfare and the good of 
society : therefore you are bound to pay them tribute, 
to honor, and submit to them, even when they destroy 
the public welfare,and are a common pest to society,by 
acting in direct contradiction to the nature and end of 
their office." 

Thus, upon a careful review of the apostle's rea- 
soning in this passage, it appears that his arguments 
to enforce submission, are of such a nature, as to con- 
clude only in favor of submission to such rulers as he 
himself describes ; i- e. such as rule for the good of so- 
ciety, which is the only end of their institution. Com- 
mon tyrants, and public oppressors, are not entitled to 
obedience from their subjects, by virtue of any thing 
here laid down by the inspired apostle. 

I now add farther, that the apostle's argument is so 
far from proving it to be the duty of people to obey, 
and submit to such rulers as act in contradiction to the 
public good,t and so to the design of their office, that 

+ This does not intend, their acting so in a few particular instantes, which 
the best of rulers may do through mistake, kc. but their acting so habitually ; 



29 

:; proves the direct contrary. For, please to observe. 
:hat if the end of all civil government, be the good of 
society ; if this be the thing that is aimed at in con- 
stituting civil rulers; and if the motive and argument 
lor submission to government, be taken from the ap- 
parent usefulness of civil authority, it follows, that 
when no such good end can be answered by submission, 
there remains no argument or motive to enforce it ; ii 
instead of this good end's being brought about by sub- 
mission^ contrary end is brought about,and the ruin and 
misery of society effected by it ; here is a plain and posi- 
tive reason against submission in all such cases, should 
they ever happen. And therefore, in such cases, a 
regard to the public welfare, ought to make us with- 
hold from our rulers that obedience and subjection 
which it would, otherwise, be our duty to render to 
them. If it be our duty, for example, to obey our 
king, merely for this reason, that he rules for the pub- 
lic welfare, (which is the only argument the apostle 
makes use of) it follows, by a parity of reason, thai 
when he turns tyrant, and makes his subjects his prey 
to devour and to destroy, instead of his charge to de- 
defend and cherish, we are bound to throw off 
our allegiance to him, and to resist ; and that ac- 
cording to the tenor of the apostle's argument 
in this passage. Not to discontinue our allegi- 
ance, in this case, would be to join with the sov- 
ereign in promoting the slavery and misery of that 
society, the welfare of which, we ourselves, as well as 
our sovereign, are indispensably obliged to secure and 
promote, as far as in us lies. It is true the apostle 
puts no case of such a tyrannical prince ; but by his 
grounding his argument for submission wholly upon the 
good of civil society ; it is plain he implicitly author- 
ises, and even requires us to make resistance, whenever 
this shall be necessary to the public safety and hap 
piness. Let me make use of this easy and familiar 

and in a manner which plainly shows, (hat they aim at makiug tifceimelvea 
jreat, by the ruin of their subjects. 



similitude to illustrate the point in hand — Sfcroposer 
God requires a family of children, to obey their father 
and not to resist him ; and enforces his command with 
this argument ; that the superintendence and care and 
authority of a just and kind parent, will contribute to 
the happiness of the whole family ; so that they ought 
to obey him for then 1 own sakes more than for his : 
Suppose this parent at length runs distracted, and at- 
tempts, in his mad fit, to cut all his children's throats : 
Now, in this ease, is not the reason before assigned, 
why these children should obey their parent while h® 
continued of a sound mind, namely, their common good* 
a reason equally conclusive for disobeying and resist- 
ing him, since he is become delirious,and attempts their 
ruin ? It makes no alteration in argument, whether this 
parent, property speaking, loses his reason, or does, 
while he retains his understanding, that which is as 
fatal in its consequences, as any thing he could do, were 
he really deprived of it, This similitude needs n& 
formal application — 

But it ought to be remembered, that if the duty 
of universal obedience and non-resistance to our kins 

» © 

or prince, can be argued from this passage, the same 
unlimited submission under a republican, or any other 
form of government ; and even to all the subordinate 
powers in any particular state, can be proved by it 
as well : which is more than those who alledge it for 
the mentioned purpose, would be willing should be 
inferred from it. So that this passage does not an- 
swer their purpose ; but really overthrows and con- 
futes if. This matter deserves to be more particular- 
ly considered. — The advocates for unlimited submis- 
sion and passive obedience, do, if I mistake not, al- 
ways speak with reference to kingly or monarchical 
government, as distinguished from all other forms ; 
and, with reference to submitting to the will of the 
kin^, in distinction from all subordinate officers, act- 
ing beyond their commission, and the authority which 
they have received from the crown. It is not pre- 



31 

tended that any person besides kings, have a divine 
right to do what they please, so that no one may re- 
sist them, without incurring the ijuilt of factiousness 
and rebellion. It' any other supreme powers oppress 
the people, it is generally allowed, that the people 
mav get redress, by resistance, it' other methods prove 
ineffectual. And if any officers m a kingly govern 
crnment, go beyond the limits ot' that power which 
they have derived from the crown, (the supposed 
original source of all power and authority in the state) 
and attempt, illegally, to take away the. propcrtie? 
and lives of their fellow-subjects, they may be forci- 
ily resisted, at least till application can be made to 
the crown. But as to the sovereign himself, he mav 
not be resisted in any case ; nor any of his officers, 
while they confine themselves within the bounds 
which he has prescribed to them. This is, I think, 
a true sketch of the principles of those who defend 
the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance. 
Now there is nothing in scripture which supports this 
scheme of political principles. As to the passage un- 
der consideration, the apostle here speaks of civil ru! 
ers m general ; of all persons in common, vested with 
authority for the good of society, without any partic- 
ular reference to one form of government, more than 
to another ; or to the supreme power in any particu- 
lar state, more than to subordinate powers. The 
apostle does not concern himself with the different 
forms of government.'!' This he supposes left intire- 

t The essence of government (I mean good government ; and this is the 
a;)';/ government which the apostle treats of in this passage) consists in the 
making and executing of good laut — laws attempered to the common felicitv 
»f the governed. And if this be, in fact, done, it is evidently, in itself, a thine 
of no consequence at all, what the particular form of government is ; — wheth- 
er the legislative and executive power be lodged in one and (lie tame person 
or in different persons ; — whether in one person, whom we call an absolute mon- 
arch ; —whether in a few, so as to constitute an aristocracy ; — whether in 
many, so as to constitute a rupublic ; or whether in three co-ordinate branches 
in such manner as to make the government partake something of each of these 
forms ; and to be, at the same time, essentially different from them all. If the 
end be attained, it is enough. But no form of government seems to be so un- 
likely to accomplish this end, as absolute monarchy — Nor is there any one 
that has so little pretence t« a divine original, unless it be in this sense, that 



'V to human prudence and discretion. Now the con- 
lequence of this is, that unlimited and passive obedi- 
ence, is no more enjoined in this passage, under mo- 
narchical government ; or to the supreme power in 
.uiv state, than under all other species of government, 
which answer the end of government ; or, to all the 
subordinate degrees of civil authority, from the high- 
est to the lowest. Those, therefore, who would from 
'his passage infer the guilt of resisting kings, in all 
cases whatever, though acting ever so contrary to 
the design of their ollice, must, if they will be consis- 
tent, go much farther, and infer from it the guilt of 
resistance under all other forms of government ; and 
of resisting any petty officer in the state though acting 
beyond his commission, in the most arbitrary, illegal 
manner possible. The argument holds equally Strong 
in both cases. All civil rulers, as such, arc the ordi~ 
iiance and minsters of God ; and they are all, by the 
nature of their office, and in their respective spheres 
and stations, bound to consult the public welfare. 
With the same reason therefore, that any deny un- 
limited and passive obedience to be here enjoined un- 
der a republic or aristocrasy, or any other established 
form of civil government ; or to subordinate powers, 
acting in an illegal and oppressive manner : (with the 
,,ame reason) others may deny, that such obedience is 
enjoined to a king or monarch, or any civil power 
whatever. For the apostle says nothing that is pecu- 
liar to kings ; what he says, extends equally to all 
other persons whatever, vested with any civil office. 
They are all, in exactly the same sense, the ordinance 
of God ; and the ministers of God ; and obedience is 
equally enjoined to be paid to them all. For, as the 
apostle expresses it, there is NO POWER but of God : 
And we are required to render to ALL their DUES ; 

GoA first introduced it into, and thereby overturned, the common wealth of 
Israel* as a curse upon that people for their folly and wickedness, particularly 
iu desirivg «uch a government. (See t Sam. viii. chap.) Just so God, be. 
fore, sent Quails amongst them, as & plague, and a curse, and not as a blessing, 
■Vumb. chap. xi. 



and not MOKE than their DUES. And what these 
dues are, and to whom they are to be rendered, the 
apostle sayeth not; bat leaves to the reason and con- 
sciences ot" men to determine. 

Thus it appears, that the common argument, ground- 
ed upon this passage, in favor of universal and pas- 
sive obedience, really overthrows itself, by proving 
too mucK, if it proves any thing at all; namely, that 
no civil officer is, in any case whatever, to be resisted, 
though acting in express contradiction to the design of 
his cilice ; which no man, in his senses, ever did, or 
can assert. 

If we calmly consider the nature of the thing itself, 
nothing can well be imagined more directly contrary 
to common sense, than to suppose that millions of peo- 
ple should be subjected to the arbitrary, precarious 
pleasure of one single, man ; (who has naturally no su- 
periority over them in point of authority) so that their 
estates, and every thing that is valuable in life, and 
even their lives also, shall be absolutely at his disposal, 
if he happens to be wanton and capricious enough to 
demand I hem. What unprejudiced man can think, 
that God made ALL to be thus subservient to the law- 
less pleasure and phrenzy of ONE, so ihat it shall al- 
ways be a sin to resist him ! Nothing but the most plain 
and express revelation from heaven could make a so- 
ber, impartial man believe such a monstrous,unaccount- 
able doctrine, and, indeed, the thing itself, appears so 
shocking — so out of all proportion, that it may be 
questioned, whether all the miracles that ever were 
wrought, could make it credible, that this doctrine really 
came from God. At present, there is not the least 
syllable in scripture which gives any countenance to it. 
The hereditary, indefeasible, divine right of kings, and 
the doctrine of non-resistance, which is built upon the 
supposition of such a right, are altogether as fabulous 
arid chimerical, as transubstantiation ; or any of the 
most absurd reveries of ancient or modern vissionaries. 
These notions are fetched neither from divine rela- 



M 

tion, nor human reason; and if they are derived from 
neither of those sources, it is not much matter from 
whence they come, or whither they ffo. Only it is a pity 
that such doctrines should be propagated in society, 
to raise factions and rebellions, as we sec they have, 
in fact, been both in the lasL and in the present 
RSIGN. 

But then, if unlimited submission and passive obe- 
dience to the higher powers, in all possible cases, be 
not a duty, it will be asked, u How far are we obliged 
to submit? If we may innocently disobey and resist in 
some cases, why not in all? Where shall we stop? 
What is the measure of our duty ? This doctrine tends 
to the total dissolution of civil government ; and to 
introduce such scenes of wild anarchy and confusion, 
ai are more fatal to society than the worst of tyranny.' 



After this manner, some men object : and 



in- 



deed, this is the most plausible thing that can be said 
in favor of such an absolute submission as they plead 
ior. But the worst (or rather the best) of it, is, that 
there is very little strength or solidity in it. For simi- 
lar difficulties may be raised with respect to almost 
every duty of natural and revealed religion. — To in- 
stance only in two, both of which are near a kin, and 
indeed exactlj parallel, to the case before us. It is 
unquestionably the duty of children to submit to their 
parents ; and of servants, to their masters. But no 
one asserts, that it is their duty to obey, and submit; 
to them, in all supposeable cases ; or universally, a sin 
to resist them. Now does this tend to subvert the 
just authority of parents and masters ? Or to introduce 
confusion and anarchy into private families ? No. How 
then does the same principle tend to unhinge the gov- 
ernment of that larger family, the body politic ? We 
know, in general, that children and servants are oblig- 
ed to obey their parents and masters respectively. 
We know also, with equal certainty, that they are not 
obliged to submit to them in all things, without excep- 
tion ; but may,in some cases, reasonably, and therefore 
innocently, resist them. These principles are ac- 
knowledged upon all hands, whatever difficulty there 



35 

may be in fixing the exact limits of submission. Now 
thcra is at least as much difficulty in stating the meas- 
ure of duty in these two cases, as in the case of rul- 
ers and subjects. So that this is really no objection, 
at least no reasonable one, against resistance to the 
higher powers: Or, if it is one, it will hold equally 
against resistance in the other cases mentioned. — It is 
indeed true, that turbulent, vicious-minded men, may 
take occasion from this principle, that their rulers 
may, in some cases, be lawfully resisted, to raise fac- 
tions and disturbances in the state ; and to make resist- 
ance where resistance is needless, and therefore, sin- 
ful. But is it not equally true, that children and ser- 
vants of turbulent, vicious minds,, may take occasion 
from this principle, that parents and masters may, in 
some cases be lawfully resisted, to resist when resist- 
ance is unnecessary, and therefore, criminal ? Is the 
principle in either case false in itself, merely because 
it may be abused ; and applied to legitimate disobe- 
dience and resistance in those instances, to which it 
ought not to be applied ? According to this way of 
arguing, there will be no true principles in the world ; 
for there are none but what may be wrested and per- 
verted to serve bnd purposes, either through the 
weakness or wickedness of men.t 

tWE may very safely assert these (wo things in general, without underminoV 
ing; government : One is, That no civil rulers are to be obeyed when they enjoin 
thing? that are inconsistent with the commands of God : All such disobedience 
is lawful and glorious ; particularly, if persons refuse to comply with any legal 
establishment of religion, because it is a gross perversion and corruption (as to 
doctrine, worship and discipline) of a pure and divine religion, brought from 
heaven to earth by the Son of God, (the only King and Head of the christian 
church, and propagated through the world by his inspired apostles. All com- 
mands running counter to the declared will of the supreme legislator of heaven 
and earth, are null and void : And therefore disobedience to them is a duty, 
not a crime. (See the marginal note, page 12.) Another thing that may be 
asserted with equal truth and safety, is, that no government is to be submitted 
to, at the expence of that which is the sole end of all government — the common 
good and safety of society. Because, to submit, in this case, if it should eve- 
happen, would evidently be to set up the means as more valuable, and above 
iheeni .• than which there cannot be a greater solecism and contradiction. 
The only reason of the institution of civil government, and the only rational 
ground of submission to it, is the common safety and utility. If therefore, iu 
any ca^e, tiie common safety and utility would not be promoted by submission 
to government, but the contrary, there is no ground or motive for obedience 
and submission, but, for (he contrary. 

Whoever considers the nature of civil government, roust, indeed, fcc sensible 
'hat a great degree otimpKeil conj'daice. must unavoidably be placed in ti:ose 



36 

A People, really oppressed to a great degree by 
their sovereign, cannot well be insensible when tbej 
are so oppressed. And such a people (if 1 may al- 
lnde to an ancient fablej have, like the hope rian fruit, 
a DRAGON for their protector and guardian : Nor 
would they have any reason to mourn, if some HER- 
CULES should appear to dispatch him. — For a nation 

that bear rule : This is implied in the very notion of authority's bemg original- 
ly a trust, committed by the people, to those who are vested with it, as all just 
and righteous authority is ; all besides, is mere lawless force and usurpation ; 
neither God nor nature, having given any man a right of dominion over any 
society, independently o^ that society's approbation and consent to be govern- 
ed by him. — Now as all men are fallible, it cannot be supposed that the public 
afLirs of any state, should be always administered in the best manner possible, 
even by persons of the greatest wisdom and integrity. Nor is it sufficient to 
legitimate disobedience to the higher powers that they are not so administered ; 
or that they are, in some instances, very ill managed ; for upon this principle, 
it is scarcely supposeable that any government at all, could he supported, or 
subsist. Such a principle manifestly tends to the dissolution of government ; 
and to throw all things into confusion and anarchy. — But it is equally evident, 
upon the other hand, that those in authority may abuse their trust and power 
to such a degree, that neither the law of reason, nor of religion, requires, that 
any obedience or submission should be paid to them : but on the contrary, 
that they should be totally discarded ; and the authority which they were be- 
fore vested with, transferred to others, who may exercise it more to those good 
purposes for which it is given. — Nor is this principle, that resistance to the 
higher powers, is, in some extraordinary cases, justifiable, so liable to abuse, as 
many persons seem to apprehend it. For although there will he always some 
petulant, querulous men, in every state — men of factious, turbulent and carp- 
ing dispositions, — glad to lay hold of any trifle to justify an 1 legitimate their 
caballing against their rulers, and other seditious practices ; yet there arc, com- 
paratively speaking, but few men of this contemptible character. It does not 
appear but that mankind, in general, have a disposition to be as submissive and 
passive, and tame under government, as they ought to be. Witness a great, if 
not the greatest part of the known world, who are nowgroaniug, but not mur- 
muring, under the heavy yoke of tyranny ! While those who govern, do it with 
any tolerable degree of moderation and justice, and, in any good measure act 
up to their office and character, by being public benefactors ; the people will 
generally be easy and peaceable ; and be rather inclined to flatter and adore, 
than to insult and resist them. Nor was there ever any general complaint against 
any administration, which tasted long, but what there was good reason for. ' J i 1 
people find themselves greatly abused and oppressed by their governors, they 
are not apt to complain ; and whenever they do, in fact, find themselves thus 
abused and oppressed, they must be stupid not to complain. T« say that sub- 
jects in general, are not proper judges when their governors oppress them, and 
play the tyrant; and when they defend their rights, administer justice, impar- 
tially, and promote the public welfare, is as great treason as ever man uttered ; 
it is treason, — not against one single man, but the state — against the whole body 
politic ; — "'tis treason against mankind ; — 'tis treason against common sense ; — 
"'tis treason against GOD. And this impious principle lays the foundation 
for justifying all the tyranny and oppression that every any prince was guilty 
of The people know for what end they set up, and maintain, their governors ; 
and they are the proper judges when they execute their trust as they ought to 
doit; — when their prince exercises an equitable and paternal authority over 
them ; — when from a prince and common father, he exalts himself into n tyrant — 
when from subjects and children, he degrades them into the ola<=s of slaves « — 
plunders them, makes them his prey, and unnaturally sports himself with their 
lives and fortunes. 



37 

thus abused to arise unanimously, and to resist their 
prince, even to the dethroning him, is not eriminal ; 

but a reasonable way of vindicating their liberties and 
hist rights ; it is making use of the means, and the. 
onlv means, which God has put into their power, lor 
mutual and self defence. And it would be highly 
criminal in them, not to make use of th's meane. It 
would be stupid tameness, and unaccountable follv, 
for whole nations to suffer one unreasonable, ambitious 
and cruel man, to wanton and riot in their misery; 
And in such a case it would, of the two, be more ra- 
tional to suppose, that they that did NOT resist, than 
that they who did, would receive to themselves damnation. 

OF KING CHARLES'S SAINTSHIP AND 

MARTYRDOM. 

THIS naturally brings us to make some reflections 

upon the resistance which was made about a century 

since, to that unhappy prince, KING CHARLES I. ; 

and upon the ANNIVERSARY of his death. This 

is a point which I should not have concerned myself 

, about, were it not that some men continue to speak of 

iit, even to this day, with a great deal of warmth and 

zeal ; and in such a manner as to undermine all the 

principles of LIBERTY, whether civil or religious, 

and to introduce the most abject slavery both in 

church and state ; so that it is become a matter of 

universal concern. — What I have to offer upon this 

subject, will be comprised in a short answer to the 

j following queries ; viz. 

For what reason the resistance to king Charles the 
First, was made ? 

By whom it w r as made ? 

Whether this resistance was REBELLION, f or 

not ? 

+ X. R. T «ppnk of rebellion, 1rpa«=on, raintship, martyrdom. Sec. throughout 
litis discourse, only in the scriptural and theological senst. 1 know not how th*e 
'••- defines them j the study o( that not beiDg my employment— 



38 

How the vdunioersanj of king Charles's death c.ame 
at first to be solemnized as a day of fasting and hu- 
miliation ? And lastly, 

Why those of the episcopal clergy who are very 
high in the principles of ecclesiastical authority, con- 
tinue to speak of this unhappy man, as a great SAINT 
and a MARTYR ? 

For what reason, then, was the resistance to king 
Charles, made ? The general answer to this enquiry 
is, that it was on account of the tyranny and oppres- 
sion of his reign. Not a great while after his acces- 
sion to the throne, he married a French catholic ; and 
with her seemed to have wedded the politics, if not 
the religion of France, also. For afterwards, during 
a reign, or rather a tyranny of many years, he gov- 
erned in a perfectly wild and arbitrary manner, pav- 
ing no regard to the constitution and the laws of the 
kingdom, by which the power of the crown was limit- 
ed ; or to the solemn oath which he had taken at his 
coronation. It would be endless, as well as needless, 
to give a particular account of all the illegal and des- 
potic measures which he took in his administration j 
— partly from his own natural lust of power, and part- 
ly from the influence of wicked councellors and minis- 
ters. — He committed many illustrious members of 
both houses of parliament, to the Tower, for opposing 
his arbitrary schemes. — He levied many taxes upon 
the people without consent of parliament; — and then 
imprisoned great numbers of the principal merchants 
and gentry for not paying them. — He erected, or at 
least revived, several new and arbitrary courts, in 
which the most unheard-of barbarities were commit- 
ted v. ith his knowledge and approbation. — He sup- 
ported that more than fiend, arch-bishop Laud and 
the clergy of his stamp, in all their church tyranny 
and hellish cruelties — He authorised a book in favor 
of sports upon the Lord's day ; and several clergy- 
men were persecuted by him and the mentioned pious 
bishop, for not reading it to the people alter divine 
service. — When the parliament complained to him of i 



39 

the arbitrary proceedings of his corrupt ministers, he 
told that august body, in a rough, domineering, un- 
princely maimer, that he wondered any one should be 
so foolish and insolent as to think that lie would part 
with the meanest of his servants upon their account — 
He refused to call any parliament at all for the space 
of twelve years together, during all which time, he 
governed in an absolute, lawless, and despotic manner 
— He took all opportunities to encourage the papists, 
and to promote then* to the highest offices of honor 
and trust. — He (probably) abetted the horrid massa- 
cre in Ireland, in which two hundred thousand pro- 
[testautg were butchered by the Roman Catholics. — 
He sent a large sum of money, which he had raised 
:bv his arbitrary taxes, into Germany, to raise foreign 
•troops, in order to force more arbitrary taxes upon 
his subjects. — He not only by a long series of actions, 
'but also in plain terms, asserted an absolute uncon- 
jtroulable power ; saying even in one of his speeches 
! to parliament, that as it was blasphemy to dispute 
what God might do ; so it was sedition in subjects to 
'dispute what the king might do. — Towards the end 
lot his tyranny,he came to the House of Commons with 
;ki armed force,t and demanded five of its principal 
^members to be delivered up to him. — And this was a 
ipreiude, to that unnatural war, which he soon after 
jlevicd against his own dutiful subjects ; whom he was 
ibound by all the laws of honor, humanity, piety, and 
il might add, of interest also, to defend and cherish 
with a paternal affection — I have only time to hint 
jat these facts in a general way, all which, and many 
Imorc of the same tenor, may be proved by good au- 
thorities : So that the figurative language which St. 
\Jokn uses, concerning the just and beneficent deeds of 
lour blessed Saviour, may be applied to the unright - 
icons? and execrable deeds of this prince, viz. jina', 
\thcrc are also many other things v;hick king Charles did 
it he which, if they should be written every one, I suppose 
{that even the world itself, could not contain the books that 



t Historians are not agreed, what number of solciieri attended him in ih')\ 
' monstrous invasion of the priviledges of parliament — Some say 300, gome 
1400 : And the author of The history of the kings cf Holland, says 500. 



40 

should be written.* Now it was on account of king 
Charles's thus assuming a power above the laws, in 
direct contradiction to his coronation-oath, and gov- 
erning the greatest part of his time, in the most arbi- 
trary oppressive manner ; it was upon this account, 
that that resistance was made to. him, which, at length, 
issued in the loss of his crown, and of that head which 
was unworthy to wear it. 

But by whom was this resistance made ? Not by a 
private junto ; — - not by a small seditious party j — not 
by a Jew desparadoes, who, to mend their fortunes, 
would embroil the state ; — but by the LORDS and 
COMMONS of England. It was they that almost 
unanimously opposed the king's measures for overturn- 
ing the constitution, and changing that free and happv 
government into a wretched, absolute monarchy. It 
was they, that when the king was about levying forces 
against his subjects, in order to make himself absolute, 
commissioned officers, and raised an army to defend 
themselves and the public : And it was they that main- 
lainedthc war against him all along, till he was made 
a prisoner. This is indisputable. Though it was not 
properly speaking, the parliament, but the army, 
which put him to death afterwards. And it ought to 
be freely acknowledged, that most of their proceed- 
ings, in order to get this matter eifected, and par- 
ticularly the court by which the king was at last tried 
and condemned, was little better than a mere mocke- 
ry of justice. — 

The next question which naturally arises, is, wheth- 
er this resistance which was made to the king by the 
Parhapicnt, was properly rebellion, or not ? The an- 
swer to which is plain, that it was not ; but a moil 
righteous and glorious stand, made in defence of the 
natural and legal rights of the people, against the nat- 
ural and illegal encroachments of arbitrary power. 
Nor was this a rash and too sudden opposition. The 
nation had been patient under the oppsessions of the 
crown, even to long suffering ; — for a course of many 

"John xsi, 25. 



41 

years ; and there was no rational hope of redress in 
any other way. — Resistance was absolutely necessary, 
in order to preserve the nation from slavery, misery 
and ruin. And whoso proper to make this resistance, 
as the Lords and Commons; — the whole representative 
body of the people ; — guardians of the public welfare; 
and each of which, was, in point of legislation, vested 
with an equal, co-ordinate power, with that of the 
crown ?* Here were two branches of the legislature 
against one ; — two of which, had law and equity, and 
the constitution on their side, against one which was 
impiously attempting to overturn law and equity, and 
the constitution ; and to exercise a wanton li- 
centious sovereignty over the properties, conscien- 
ces and lives of all the people : — Such a sovereignty 
as some inconsiderately ascribe to the Supreme Gov- 
ernor of the world. — 1 say, inconsiderately ; because 
God himself does not govern in an absolutely arbitrary 
and despotic manner. The power of this Almighty 
King (I speak it not without caution and reverence ; 

* The English constitution is originally and essentially free. The charac- 
ter which ./. Ccusar and Tacitus both give of the ancient Brilains so long ago, 
is, That iheywere extremely jealous of tlieir liberties, as well as a people of a 
martial spirit. Nor have there been wanting frequent instances and proofs of 
the same glorious spirit (in fcolh respects) remaining in their posterity ever since. 
— in the struggles they have made for liberty, both against foreign and domestic 
tyrants. — Their kings hold their title to the throne, solely by giant of parlia- 
ment ; i. e. in other words, by the voluntary consent of the people. And, 
Rgreeably hereto, the prerogative and rights of the crown are stated, defined 
and limited by law ; and that as truly and strictly as the rights of any inferior 
officer in the state ; or indeed, of any private subject. And it is only in this 
respect, that it can be said, that " the king can do wrong." Being restrained 
by the law, he cannot, while he confines himself within those just limits which 
the law prescribes to him as the measure of his authority, injure and oppress the 
subject. — The king, in his coronation oath, swears to exercise only such a 
power as the constitution gives him : And the subject, in the oath of allegiance, 
swears only to obey him in the exercise of such a power. The king is as much 
bound by his oath, not to infringe the legal rights of the people, as the peoplt- 
are bound to yield subjection to him. From whence it follows, that as soon as 
the prince sets himself up above law, he loses the king in the tyrant : he does 
to all intents and purposes, unking himself, by actuig out of, and beyond, that 
sphere which the constitution allows him to move in. And in such cases, he 
has no more right to be obeyed, than any inferior officer who acts beyond his 
commission. The subjects 1 obligation to alleeinace then ceases of course : and 
to resist him, is no more rebelliim, than to resist any foreign invader. There ia 
an essential difference betwixt government and tyranny ; at least under such 
a constitution as the English. The former consists in ruling according to law 
and equity ; the latter in ruling contrary to law and equity. So also, there is 
an essential difference betwixt resisting a tyrant, and rebellion ; the fornu c fc 

6 



42 

the power of this Almighty King) is limited by law ; 
not indeed, by acts of Parliament, but by the eternal 
laws of truth, wisdom and equity ; and the everlasting 
tables of right reason ; — tables that cannot be repealed, 
or thrown down and broken like those of Moses. — But 
king Charles sat himself up above all these, as much 
as he did above the written laws of the realm ; and 
made mere humor and caprice, which are no rule at 
all, the only rule and measure of his administration. 
And now, is it not perfectly ridiculous to call resis- 
tance to such a tyrant, by the name of rebellion ? — the 

grand rebellion ? Even that parliament, which 

brought king Charles II. to the throne, and which run 
loyally mad, severely reproved one of their own mem- 
bers for condemning the proceedings of that parlia- 
ment which first took up arms against the former king. 
And upon the same principles that the proceedings of 
this parliament may be censured as wicked and re- 
bellious ; the proceedings of those, who since opposed 
king; James II. and brought the Prince of Orange to 
the throne, may be censured as wicked and rebellious 
also. The cases are parallel. — But whatever some 
men may think, it is to be hoped that for their own 
sakes, they will not dare to speak against the REVO- 
LUTION, upon the justice and legality of which, de- 
pends (in part) his present MAJESTY'S right to the 
throne. 

If it be said, that although the parliament which 
first opposed king Charles's measures, and at length 
took up arms against him, were not guilty of rebellion ; 
yet certainly those persons were, who condemned, 
and put him to death ; even this perhaps is not true. 
For he had, in fact, unkinged himself long before, and 
had forfeited his title to the allegiance of the people. 
So that those who put him to death, were, at most, 
only guilty of murder ; which, indeed, is bad enough, 

a just and reasonable self-defence ; the latter consists in resisting a prince whose 
administration is just and legal ; and this is what demonstrates it a crime. — 
Now it is evident, that king Charleses government was illegal, and very op- 
pressive, through the greatest part of his reign : And, therefore, to resist him, 
was no more rebellion, than to oppose any foreign invader, or any other do- 
mestic opprcssser. 



43 

it they were rcall y guilty of that ; (which is at least 
disputable.) Cromwell, and those who were princi- 
pally concerned in the (nominal) king's death, might 
possibly have been very wicked and designing men. 
Nor shall I say any thing in vindication of the reign- 
ing hypocrisy oi' those times, or of Cromwell's male- 
administration during the interregnum : (for it is truth, 
and not a parly, that I am speaking for.) But still it 
may be said, that Cromwell and his adherents were 
not, properly speaking, guilty of rebellion ; because 
he whom they beheaded was not, properly speaking, 
their king ; but a lawless tyrant. — Much less, are the 
whole body of the nation at that time to be charged 
with rebellion on that account ; for it was no nation- 
al act ; it was not done by a. free parliament. And 
much less still, is the nation at present, to be charged 
with the great sin of rebellion, for what their ancestors 
did, (or rather did NOT) a century ago. 

But how came (he anniversary of king Charl &"$ 
death, to be solemnized as a day of fasting and humilia- 
1 tion ? The true answer in brief, to which enquiry, is, 
1 that this fast was instituted by Way of court and com- 
I pliment to king Charles II. upon the restoration- All 
were desirous of making their court to him ; of in- 
gratiating themselves ; and of making him forget 
what had been done in opposition to his father., so as 
not to revenge it. To effect this, they ran into the 
; most extravagant professions of affection and loyalty 
to him, insomuch that he himself said, that it was a 
j mad and hair brained loyalty which they professed. 
| And amongst other strange things, which his first par- 
liament did, they ordered the Thirtieth of January 
(the day on which his father was beheaded) to be kept 
as a day of solemn humiliation, to deprecate the judge- 
ments of heaven for the rebellion which the nation 
had been guilty of, in that which was no national thing ; 
and which was not rebellion in them that did it. — Thus 
they soothed and flattered their new king, at the ex- 
pence of their liberties : — And wore ready to yield ujj 
freely to Charles II. all that enormous power, which 



41 

they had justly resisted Charles I, for usurping to ium* 
self. 

Thf: last query mentioned, was. Why those of the 
episcopal clergy who are very high in the principles ot' 
ecclesiastical authority,, continue to speak of this unhap- 
py prince as a great Saint and a Martyr? This, we 
know, is what they constantly do, especially upon the 
30th of January ; a day sacred to the extolling of him, 
and to the reproaching of those who are not of the 
established church. Out of the same mouth on this day,. 
proceed eth blessing and cursing f\ therewith bless they 
their God, even Charles/awrf therewith curse they the dis- 
senters : And their tongue can no man tame ; it is an 
unruly evil, full of deadly poison. King Charles is, up- 
on this solemnity, frequently compared to our Lord Je- 
sus Christ, both in respect of the holiness of his life, 
and the greatness and injustice of his sufferings ; and 
it is a wonder they do not add something- concerning 
the merits of his death also — But blessed saint and roy- 
al martyr, are as humble titles as any that are thought 
worthy of him. 

Now this may, at first view, well appear to be a 
very strange phenomenon. For king Charles was real- 
ly a man black with guilt and laden with iniquity,^ as 
appears by his crimes before mentioned. He lived a 
tyrant ; and it was tlhe oppression and violence of his 
reign, that brought him to his untimely and vio- 
lent end at last. Now what of saintship or 
martyrdom is there in all this ! What of saintship 
is there in encouraging people to profane the Lord's 
Day ? What of saintship in falsehood and perjury ? 
W r hat of saintship in repeated robberies and depre- 
dations ? What of saintship in throwing real saints, 
and glorious patriots, into goals? What of saintship in 
overturning an excellent civil constitution ; — and proud- 
ly grasping at an illegal and monstrous power? What 
of saintship in the murder of thousands of innocent 
people ; and involving a nation in all the calamities of 
a civil war? And what of martyrdom is there, in a 
man's bringing an immature and violent death upon 

Warn. iii. 8, 9, 10. [jUai, i. 4. 



4b 

himself, by being wicked overmuch 9* Is there any such 
thins; as grace, without goodness ? As being a follower 
of Christ, without folio wing him ? As being his disci? 
pie, without learning of him to be just and beneficent ? 
Or, as saintship without sanctity ?t If not, I fear it 
will be hard to prove this man a saint. And verily, 
would be apt to suspect that that church must be but 
poorly stocked with saints and martyrs, which is forced 
to adopt such enormous sinners into her callendar, in 
order to swell the number. 

But to unravel this mystery of (nonsense as well as 
of) iniquity, which has already worked for a long time 
amongst us;| or, at least, to give the most probable so- 
lution of it; it is to be remembered, that king Charles, 
this burlesque upon saintship and martyrdom, though so 
great an oppressor, was a true friend to the Church; 
so true a friend to her, that he was very well affected 
towards the Roman Catholics ; and would, probably, 
have been very unwilling to unite Lambeth and Rome* 
This appears by his marrying a true daughter of that 
true mother of harlots ,-|| which he did with a dispen- 
sation from the Pope, that supreme BISHOP: to whom 
when he wrote, he gave the title of MOST HOLY 
FATHER. His queen was extremely bigotted to all 
the follies and superstitions, and to the hierarchy, of 
Rome ; and had a prodigious ascendency over him all 
his life. It Avas, in part, owing to this, that he (prob- 
ably) abetted the massacre of the protestants in /re- 
land ; that he assisted in extirpating the Ftcnch prot- 

♦Ecles. vii. 17. 
Ms it any wonder that even persons who do not walk after their own /MJ/.t,shouId 
scoff at such saints as this, both in ihcjir.il and in the last days, even from ev- 
erlasting to everlasting ? 2 Pet. iii. 3, 4. — But perhaps it will be said, that these 
things are MYSTERIES, which (although very true in themselves) lay-under- 
standings cannot comprehend : Or, indeed, any other persons amongst us, be- 
sides those who being INWARDLY MOVED BY THE HOLY GHOST, 
have taken a trip across the Atlantic to obtain episcopal ordination and the in- 
dehble character. — However, if these consecrated gentlemen do not quite des- 
pair of us, it k hoped that, in the abundance of their charity, they wil! endeavor to 
ilhtcidalt these, dark points ; and, at the same time, explain the creed of an- 
other of their eminent «ai.7its, which we are told, that unless we believe faithful- 
ly, (i. e. helieringly) wc cannot be saved: which creed, (or rather riddle) not- 
withstanding all the labors nf the pious andmotaphyisical Dr Watcrlatid 

remains somewhat cenigmalicnl. still. 

+ 2 Thess. ii. 7. II Rev. xvii. S. 



46 

estants at Rockelle ; that he all along encouraged 1 ?& 
viBis, and popishly effected clergymen, in preference to 
ail other persons, and that he upheld that monster oi 
wickedness, ARCHBISHOP LAUD, and the bishops 
of his stamp, in all their church-tyranny and diabolic- 
al cruelties. In return to h:s kindness and indulgence. 
in which respects, they caused many of the pulpits 
throughout the nation, to ring with the divine absolute, 
indefeasible right of kings ; with the praises of Charles 
and his reign; and with the damnable sin of resisting 
the Lord's an oin ted, let him do what he would. So 
that not Christ, but Charles, was commonly preached 
to -the people. — In plain English, there seems to have 
been an impious bargain struck up betwixt the sceptre 
and the surplice, for enslaving both the bodies and souls 
of men. The king appeared to be willing that the 
clergy should do what they would, — set up a mon- 
strous hierarchy like that of Rome, — a monstrous in- 
quisition like that of Spain or Portugal, — or any thing 
else which their own pride, and the devil's malice, could, 
prompt them to: Provided always, that the clergy 
would be tools to the crown ; that they would make 
the people believe, that kings had God's authority for 
breaking God's law; that they had a commission from 
heaven to seize the estates and lives of their subjects 
at pleasure ; and that it was a damnable sin to resist 
them, even when they did such tilings as deserved 
more than damnation. — This appears to be the true 
key for explaining the mysterious doctrine of king 
Charles's saintship and martyrdom. He was a saint, 
not because he was in his life, a good man, but a good 
churchman ; not because he was a lover of holiness, but 
the hierarchy ; not because he was a friend to Christ, 
but the Craft. And he was a martyr in his death, 
not because he bravely suffered death in the cause of 
truth and righteousness, but because he died an enemy 
to liberty and the rights of conscience ; i. e. not be- 
cause he died an enemy to sin, but dissenters. For 
these reasons it is that all bigotted clergymen, and 
friends to church-power, paint this man as a saint in 
life, though he was such a mighty, such a royal sinner ; 



47 

and as a martyr in his death, though he fell a sacrifice 
•only to his own ambition, avarice,and unbounded lust of 
power. Ant! from prostituting their praise upon king 
Charles, and offering him that incense which is not his 
due, it is natural for them to make a transition to the 
dissenters (as they commonly do) and to load them 
with that reproach which they do not deserve; thev 
feeing generally professed enemies both to civil and 
ecclesiastical tyranny. WE ate commonly charged, 
(upon the Thirtieth of January) with the guilt of put- 
ting the king to death, under a notion that it was our 
ancestors that did it ; and so we are represented in 
the blackest colours, not only as scismatics, but also 
as traitors and rebels, and all that is bad. And these 
lofty gentlemen usually rail upon this head, in such a 
manner as plainly shows, that they are either grossly 
ignorant of the history of those times which they 
speak of: or, which, is worse, that they are guilty of 
I he most shameful prevarication, slander and falsehood. 
— But every petty priest, with a roll and a. r gov}% thinks 
be must do something in imitation of his betters, in 
lawn, and show himself a true son of the church : And 
thus, through a foolish ambition, to appear considera- 
ble, they only render themselves contemptible. 

But suppose our fore-fathers did kill their mock 
Saint and Martyr, a century ago, what is that to us 
now ? If I mistake not, these gentlemen generally 
preach down the doctrine of the imputation of 'Adam's 
sin to his posterity, as absurd and unreasonable, not- 
withstanding they have solemnly subscribed what is 
equivalent to it in their own articles of religion. And 
therefore, one would hardly expect that they would 
lay the guilt of the kings death upon us, although our 
fore-fathers had been the only authors of it. But this 
conduct is much more surprising, when it does not ap- 
pear that our ancestors had any more hand in it than 
their own. — However, bigotry is sufficient to account 
tor this, and many other phenomena, which cannot be 
accounted for in any other way. 

Although the observation of this anniversary s<- 
to have been (at least) superstitious in its original ; 



18 

and although it is often abused to very bad purposes 
by the established clergy, as they servo themselves 
of it, to perpetuate strife, a party spirit, and divisions 
in the christian church ; yet it is to be hoped that one 
good end will be answered by it, quite contrary to 
their intention : It is to be hoped, that it will prove 
a standing memento, that Britons will not be slaves ; 
and a warning to all corrupt councellors and ministers, 
not to go too far in advising to arbitrary, despotic 
measures — 

To conclude : let us all learn to be free, and to be 
loyal. Let us not profess ourselves vessels to the law- 
less pleasure of any man on earth. But let us remember 
at the same time.government isaacffirf,and not to be tri- 
fled with. It is our happiness to live under the govern- 
ment of a Prince§ who is satisfied with ruling according 
to law as every other good prince will. We enjoy under 
his administration all the liberty that is proper and ex- 
pedient for us. It becomes us, therefore, to be content- 
ed, and dutiful subjects. Let us prize our freedom; 
but not use our liberty for a cloak of maliciousness * 
There are men who strike at liberty under the term 
licentiousness. There are others who aim at populari- 
ty under the disguise of patriotism. Be aware of both. 
Extremes are dangerous. There is at present amongst 
7ts, perhaps, more danger of the latter, than of the 
former. For which reason I would exhort you to pay 
all due Regard to the government over us; to the 
KING and all in authority ; and to lead a quiet and peace- 
able life.^ And while I am speaking of loyalty to our 
earthly Prince, suffer me to put you in mind to be 
loyal also to the supreme RULER of the universe, 
by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice.^. To 
which king eternal, immortal, invisible, even to the 
ONLY WISE GOD,|| be all honor and praise, DO- 
MINION and thanksgiving, through JESUS CHRIST 
our LORD. AMEN. 

{GEORGE Ihe So ond. 

Tet, ii, 1ft. -I Tim. ii. 2. tProv. viii. 1 5. || Tim. f, 17. 

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